
AMURIA, UGANDA- December 30, 2025: As Uganda moves steadily toward the 2026 general elections, political conversations across the country are intensifying. In the Teso sub-region, these political conversatio i8ns and activities have dominated villages, trading centres, and town councils in Teso with Soroti city being the headquarter for political gerrymandering. Among those are elders under mango trees taking the usual local brew (Ajono), youth in boda-boda stages, women in the markets, and leaders in district offices. For many years, Teso was viewed as fertile ground for opposition politics. Grievances from cattle rustling, war losses, poverty, and marginalisation once gave opposition leaders a “powerful voice” in the sub region. Yet today, despite some these pending challenges, opposition politics seems to be struggling to gain broad and sustained support among the people of Teso.Below are some of the reasons why the people of Teso are now very sceptical with supporting opposition Politics. First, history matters. The Iteso are a people who have lived through prolonged periods of insecurity, insurgency, cattle rustling, and economic disruption. For many families, the memory of displacement and poverty is still fresh. As a result, peace and stability are not abstract political concepts; they are lived priorities. Any political message that appears to threaten stability, even indirectly, is now approached with caution. Continuity, therefore, is often perceived not as blind loyalty but as a safeguard against a return to uncertainty.Second, politics in Teso has largely been shaped by pragmatism rather than ideology. Many voters assess leadership based on a simple but powerful question: who is better positioned to deliver services? Government programs such as the Parish Development Model, Emyooga, improved road networks, electrification, and access to social services despite their implementation challenges, are visible realities. For ordinary citizens, engagement with the ruling government is now seen as the most direct pathway to accessing these opportunities.Third, the opposition’s presence in Teso has historically been uneven. While opposition leaders may command national attention, their grassroots structures in the sub-region are often weak or seasonal and often characterized by defection. Mobilization that intensifies only during campaign periods struggles to compete with year-round political engagement by incumbents. Where local leadership is thin or disconnected from community priorities such as agriculture, livestock, and household income, opposition messages lose resonance.Forth, Key Opposition Messages Have Lost Strength. Slogans such as “No cow, no vote”, our land is going to be grabbed, Museveni has sold L. Kyoga, they are introducing 100,000 tax for grass-thatched houses etc once resonated strongly. But over time, Government adjustments weakened these messages, Some opposition leaders were seen as politicising genuine suffering and Communities grew tired of endless promises with no resolution. Many People still want justice for war losses, but they increasingly believe solutions come through engagement, not permanent confrontation.Cultural factors also play a role. The Iteso and Kumam political culture places high value on consultation, dialogue, and consensus. Elders, religious leaders, and local opinion shapers frequently encourage cooperation with the sitting government to attract development rather than confrontation that may isolate the region politically. This cultural inclination naturally favors engagement over protest politics by the dwindling opposition. Therefore in Conclusion, Opposition politics in Teso seems to be struggling not because people have no grievances, but because the political mindset has since shifted.Today, many in Teso want:Stability over slogansGradual improvement over risky changeEngagement over confrontationPractical benefits over political dramaUnless opposition politics reinvents itself may be by uniting, focusing on economic solutions, respecting local leadership, and offering credible governance pathways, it will continue to struggle to gain traction and support in Teso.Something that is now clear, Teso is no longer a region of protest politics alone; it is a region of cautious, pragmatic choice.

Eseru Paul,
The Writer is a Member of Campfire Ideological study group and Resident District Commissioner of Amuria District.